In 2020, Thai youth protested across the country demanding more democracy. The protests petered out, but the authoritarian system remained. Did the movement fail?
On large banners they demanded the release of their imprisoned friends and an end to military rule. During the meeting in Washington D.C. between America's President Joe Biden and Thailand's Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha at the US-Asean summit, members of the United Front of Thammasat and Demonstration (UFTD) gathered again in front of the American Embassy in Bangkok last Tuesday. Since 2020, the area around the American embassy has been the scene of pro-democracy demonstrations, which have developed into the largest wave of protests in Thailand since the military coup in 2014. For months, young people in particular took to the streets of Thailand to demonstrate against Prime Minister Prayut's government, which is close to the military. They made clear demands: the protests would continue until parliament was dissolved, a new constitution was enacted and the end of state repression announced.
The desire for change was also present at the demonstration in Bangkok last Tuesday. What was new, however, is the influx of demonstrators. “When a demonstration was called in front of the American embassy in 2020, thousands of young people could be mobilized. On Tuesday, however, only a handful of people were there,” Praphakorn Lippert from the University of Passau told DW. In 2022, the question arises as to what has become of the once popular protest movement.
New generation against an old system
Despite calls for sweeping democratic reforms, not much has changed in Thai society since the 2020 protests erupted. The democracy movement has hardened the fronts again and shows that the political discourse is increasingly determined by a generational conflict. “The new fault line in Thai society is between the progressive youth who want change; who want the government to respect their rights – and on the other hand the conservative elites in politics, business and the military,” explains Phil Robertson, Deputy Director of Human Rights Watch in Asia, in an interview with DW.
Thailand's King Maha Vajiralongkorn and Queen Suthida greet thousands of supporters in front of the Grand Palace in Bangkok November 1, 2020. The royal family's image has come under increasing pressure due to ongoing democracy protests
The protests are essentially directed against an economic and political system that has been established for decades and has three privileged groups of participants. First, a wafer-thin layer of 1 percent of the population, which owns two-thirds of all assets. Second, there is the military, which is also endowed with many financial privileges and is intertwined with state-owned companies. And third, the richest monarchy in the world, which continues to wield strong political influence. Due to the military coup in 2014, this system was consolidated again. The military sees itself as the guardian of the monarchy, is not subject to civilian control and has taken precautions through the specially enforced constitution to weaken the influence of democratic institutions in the long term.
Breaking a taboo< /h2>
Especially young, cosmopolitan Thais, who are increasingly questioning the system, find no place in this power structure. At the latest when the progressive Future Party, which was very popular among young voters with six million votes, was dissolved in February 2020 due to alleged financial irregularities by parliament, in which parties close to the military have the majority, many people felt alienated from politics in the Abandoned. “I think it was important to a lot of young voters that they couldn't be silenced like in the past. They felt they had to stand up and say something for Thailand to move forward,” Robertson said /p>
Thailand's protest movement is young, diverse and fearless. So fearless that she broke a taboo by calling for a reformed monarchy. A monarchy long protected by the Lèse-Majesté Law known as Article 112, which criminalizes public criticism of the royal family and carries a prison sentence of up to 15 years.
Young demonstrators show the three-finger salute as a sign of protest in front of the UN building in Bangkok in February 2021. Among other things, they are demanding the abolition of the lèse-majesté law, known as Article 112 of the Criminal Code
“It is the first time that the question of the monarchy has been put on the public agenda and discussed critically. We have never experienced anything like this in recent years,” says Pavin Chachavalpongpun, one of the most prominent faces of the democracy movement, in an interview with the DW. His Facebook group “The Royalist Marketplace”, founded in April 2020, is now the largest Facebook group in the country with 2.4 million members and has a significant influence on the political discourse in social media.
The impending collapse of the movement
Despite social media mobilization, the major protests of 2022 have disappeared from the streets of Thailand. Phil Robertson explains that the main reason for this is the climate of fear and persecution fueled by the Thai government. The demands for more democracy and equal rights were followed by a counter-reaction from the state authorities, which denied the young demonstrators a say in the political organization of their country. More than 1600 criminal proceedings have been initiated against activists since 2020.
“It's as if the pro-democracy movement has a giant sword of Damocles hanging over their heads,” said Robertson, who closely monitors the human rights situation in Thailand. Systematic harassment, intimidation and detention of activists, as well as the announcement of a new NGO law restricting civil society activities, have over time caused the movement to lose traction.
Activist from afar: Pavin Chachavalpongpun, prominent face of the democracy movement and founder of the Facebook group “The Royalist Marketplace”, has been living in political exile in Japan since 2014
According to Praphakorn Lippert, the movement is also increasingly fighting internal divisions. “There is no longer a large unified movement, but only actions by various small groups.” The suppression of the protests led to the splitting off and formation of sub-groups over time. Some of these deviated from the core demands of the movement and now represent other interests. This is making it increasingly difficult to mobilize for the common cause and has increased the slacking of the core movement from 2020.
“The genie is out of the bottle”
Activist Pavin does not see the end of the democracy movement in Thailand. “The genie has been let out of the bottle. I don't think it can go back in the bottle,” he explains, referring to his Facebook group, which is growing every day. In his opinion, the last two years have not only broken many taboos, but also increased the space for criticism of the rulers and the privileged in the traditional and social media.
With the upcoming parliamentary elections in 2023 in Thailand at the latest, Phil Robertson predicts there could be a resurgence in activism. However, it remains to be seen whether the movement has the potential to move from virtual space to the street again.