190 million voters are to a mammoth election is called. Because Parliament and presidential elections are held in 2019 for the first time, at the same time. Added to this are elections to Regional and municipal offices.
The media attention is due to the simultaneity of parliamentary, presidential and local elections even more than in the past. The decisive battle at the top of the state. This is also since 2004, the current presidential system of government in Indonesia. Since then, the President and Vice-President are elected directly by the people, for a maximum of two terms of five years.
The presidential election is a reissue of 2014, at least with regard to the presidential candidates: the incumbent, Joko Widodo, with his new Deputy candidate Ma’ruf Amin, meets again on Prabowo Subianto (article image), also with a new Deputy candidates, Sandiaga Uno. Amine has brought the liberal Widodo a recognized religious-conservative Deputy to the side, for tradition detained and rural voters of the layers is acceptable. Conversely, the young Sandiaga Uno is designed to appeal to the urban emerging Muslim middle class, which is not enthusiastic about the human rights allegations charged Ex-General Subianto, perhaps, to a hundred percent.
The incumbent, Joko Widodo (“Jokowi”), the likes (and so far successfully) close to the people
“Consultative People’s Assembly”
The Indonesian Parliament, the official name of Consultative people’s Assembly (MPR), is since 2004 a Two-chamber System. It consists of the house of representatives (DPR) with soon to 575 Seats, and the regional Assembly (DPD) with non-party representatives from the provinces; the latter, indeed, has only a consultative function.
The 575 seats in the house of representatives of around 8000 candidates, so around 14 applicants per seat will apply. Of these, around 40 per cent (3200 candidates) are women. The parties must meet a 30 percent quota of women candidates for the house of representatives. Under the currently 560 members, only about ten percent are women, namely 111.
Challenger is (again) the nationalist Ex-military Prabowo Subianto, who also takes part in a “defence of Islam” part, if it brings votes
Parliament with limited powers
Due to the presidential system with far-reaching competences of the Executive and the Constitution laid down the state philosophy of balance and national unity (“Pancasila”) Parliament plays a relatively weak role. “Votes are rare and are seen as a sign that you didn’t make it in the Parliament, consensus,” says Kevin Evans from the Australia Indonesia Centre opposite the DW.
Add to that the hurdle for parties to be able to Deputy to the Parliament delegate, was raised to 4.5 percent of the statewide vote; in 2009 it was 2.5 percent. Newly founded parties such as the social-democratic and secular-oriented PSI thus have virtually no opportunities to come up in this year’s elections and even in the next five years to Parliament.
Parties as poll workers for the presidential candidates
In spite of the subordinate role of the Parliament, many parties try to send candidates to compete for seats in Parliament. In the parliamentary elections, 16 parties are taking part. 27 had applied for admission. Four more regional parties to compete only in the province of Aceh.
The parties have a function in the preparation of the candidates for President. Because the latter must prove that they have the support of at least 20 percent of the members in the current house of representatives, or their parties have won at least 25 percent of the vote in the previous election. Therefore, the outcome of the parliamentary elections is also important for the presidential election in five years.
Powerful Logo: Widodos “Indonesian democratic party of struggle”, PDIP
Coalition politics in Indonesian
Because in Indonesia there are no large well-established national parties – the PDIP of incumbent Widodo, who currently represents the majority of the members, has less than 20 percent of the seats, you will need to seek the candidate prior to its approval by the election Commission of party coalitions for their support.
Until the end of the application period at 10. August 2018 have been agreed by the coalition partners on their respective candidates: The coalition of “Indonesia” with 60 percent of the members on the Team Widodo/amine, the coalition “Prosperous and just Indonesia””with 40 percent of the members on the Team Subianto/UN. Various other politicians and personalities had pulled up to then, due to a lack of opportunities for their candidacy and for one of the two Teams opted or neutralized.
Also Subiantos “Great Indonesian party of the movement” radiates the will to fight, in any case, in the Logo.
The political spectrum according to religious orientation
According to a statement from the Indonesian party spectrum through the Australia Indonesia Centre, two parties with a total of around 13 per cent of the seats are aligned in the current Indonesian Parliament strictly Islamic, namely, PPP, and PKS.
Two parties (PKB and PAN) with 16.5 percent, which is closely associated with the Muslim mass organisations, but at the same time open to members of other religions and the idea of Indonesia as an Islamic state reject. For a clear separation of Religion and state only Widodos PDIP (the party of the struggle) and the newly established PSI (socialist party of solidarity).
Observers point out that the PDIP as all the other parties – except, perhaps, the PSI does not hesitate to play the “religious card”, for example, from the Sharia to be in favour of derived rules, when it comes to win conservative Muslim voters.
Politicians think twice whether you can afford it, conservative morals.
Regional elections and the impact of the decentralisation
This is especially true at the local and provincial level. Indonesian experts see a connection between the strengthened role of provincial politicians elected since 2005 directly, and the growth of Sharia-regulations. “The adoption of religious rules in many regions, a popular means to access the local officeholders and their parties, in order to secure their re-election,” said Ray Rangkuti of the non-governmental organization “description:” compared to the DW.
Other downsides of decentralization, the laws adopted in the provinces, collide often with Central laws, without it being clear would be, which enjoy both a priority. Environmental activists also criticize that, under the umbrella of regional autonomy, an unholy Alliance of local politicians and business people to thrive, which is about the wild Expansion of the palm oil industry, with all its harmful consequences.
The direct election of governors and citizens took place on masters last April. It is separated, in contrast to the procedure at the national level, of the vote for regional parliaments. In the present elections, it is the occupation of about 2200 Seats in the provincial parliaments and the election of more than 17.000 delegates of the approximately 500 local offices.